AFP
The past few weeks have seen Egypt's Arab Spring revolution in
crisis: demonstrations supporting and opposing President Mohammed Morsi,
threats of invalidating the assembly that drafted the new constitution,
a declaration by the president of being above judicial review and now
an open-ended strike by the country's judiciary. The success of the
country struggling to establish a new democracy has long been in doubt.
Courts led by judges appointed during the dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak
had previously dissolved the bodies of lawmakers elected by the people.
The leaders of the new guard were thus understandably concerned that
the Supreme Constitutional Court would invalidate the
Islamist-controlled assembly that drafted a new constitution for the
country. Such an action would have set the revolution back
significantly.
President Morsi sought to counteract the Mubarak-era judges by
declaring his actions above judicial review. His opponents saw that as a
step toward dictatorship. To his supporters, it was a justified move
against an anti-democratic judiciary.
Morsi pledged to relinquish his above-the-courts status if Egyptian voters approve the draft constitution in a referendum on Dec. 15. However his opponents, who include more reform-minded secularists and members of the Coptic minority, are not entirely comfortable with that constitution, which maintains Islam as the main source for all legislation. Tens of thousands protested against President Morsi and the constitution over the weekend in Cairo, and are vowing to continue their actions.
Amidst all this turmoil, pro-Morsi protesters gathered outside the Constitutional Court and blocked the judges from entering. The judges responded by going on strike and refusing to supervise the Dec. 15 referendum.
The German media on Monday emphasized the high stakes in Egypt, and said that while the Muslim Brotherhood's undermining of the pre-revolutionary judiciary is understandable, so are the protests against the Brotherhood's own actions.
The conservative daily Die Welt writes:
"Egypt lies on the fault line of two continents, not just geologically, and the European coast is not far away either. What moves Egypt today moves the region tomorrow, and the shockwaves could very well spark fear and terror among the Europeans. The future of Egypt will indicate for the whole of the Islamic world whether democracy and a Koran-based life can be reconciled.
"The German foreign minister, who has to dedicate more and more of his time to the Middle East, expressed his concerns in strong words. There is a threat, he says, of 'a division of society,' code for continuing revolution and probable violence. The president of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, threatened an end of economic and political cooperation -- as if Brussels had another Egypt on reserve.
"Indeed, Europeans must be extremely cautious with unsolicited advice. The material hardships that fuelled the uprising against Mubarak are still there. Lack of work, frustration and the bluntness of the regime are all strong forces for lasting unrest."
The left-wing Die Tageszeitung writes:
"The mass protests against the most recent actions of President Mohammed Morsi are fuelled by frustration and fear among non-Islamists. … The fronts appear to be unalterable: Islamist political circles here, secular reformers and members of religious minorities there.
"Morsi, who wants to be the president of all Egyptians, feels unjustly attacked. The old regime was trying, with the aid of Mubarak-era judges, to stop the revolution, whose free elections pitted disadvantaged groups against the ultimate winners. And Morsi has retreated to the old conspiracy theory that foreign powers are behind the protests.
"This doesn't amount to a counter-revolution. Rather Egyptians are expressing their deep mistrust of the authorities, who never treated them as responsible citizens. In return, the president has neglected to put the people at ease, to tell them that the new constitution protects new freedoms that did not exist before, and that his absolute power would only last until the ratification of the constitution, which will be voted on on December 15. A bit more skillfulness on his part and Egyptians would surely have let these two weeks go by without protest."
The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:
"Judges are obliged to be independent. Risking one's life is not part of the job description. Thus it is understandable that Egypt's constitutional court judges withheld a decision on the sharply criticized course of action taken by President Mohammed Morsi while an angry mob roared. Morsi's thugs, who had gathered in front of the Cairo court, had threatened to set the building on fire. The president's Muslim Brotherhood could hardly show less respect for the judiciary.
"After the democratic victory of Egypt's Islamist president, the international community greeted him with openness. Now the Muslim Brotherhood is arrogating the right to greet the judges, disliked by Morsi, with the methods of the street, all the while praising it as democratic volition.
"It's true: A likely majority stands behind the 'constitutional decree' of the president; and the Mubarak-era judges have no doubt pursued a policy of obstruction. But all of that cannot justify tearing down the institutional pillars of the state and legitimizing it with a referendum as 'democratic.'"
The center-right Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung writes:
"Of the three scenarios how Egypt could develop after Mubarak, one is
losing meaning: The rebellion through the institutions of the old
regime, whose lives the new power holders are making difficult, is
weakening. Most Egyptians have accepted that the once-hated police are
hardly to be found on the streets, and that crime is on the rise. And
many Egyptians are viewing the strike by the Mubarak-era constitutional
judges, who have placed hurdles in the path of the new power holders,
more as a point scored for Morsi than as a moral statement by the court.
"The old institutions will not give up their resistance any time soon. In the foreground now lie the two other scenarios: The Muslim Brotherhood not touching the old regime, but rather occupying it with its own followers, or allowing a controlled opening to take place. Morsi claims to be following the latter. But the evidence suggests the first scenario is more likely."
-- Andrew BowenANZEIGE
Morsi pledged to relinquish his above-the-courts status if Egyptian voters approve the draft constitution in a referendum on Dec. 15. However his opponents, who include more reform-minded secularists and members of the Coptic minority, are not entirely comfortable with that constitution, which maintains Islam as the main source for all legislation. Tens of thousands protested against President Morsi and the constitution over the weekend in Cairo, and are vowing to continue their actions.
Amidst all this turmoil, pro-Morsi protesters gathered outside the Constitutional Court and blocked the judges from entering. The judges responded by going on strike and refusing to supervise the Dec. 15 referendum.
The German media on Monday emphasized the high stakes in Egypt, and said that while the Muslim Brotherhood's undermining of the pre-revolutionary judiciary is understandable, so are the protests against the Brotherhood's own actions.
The conservative daily Die Welt writes:
"Egypt lies on the fault line of two continents, not just geologically, and the European coast is not far away either. What moves Egypt today moves the region tomorrow, and the shockwaves could very well spark fear and terror among the Europeans. The future of Egypt will indicate for the whole of the Islamic world whether democracy and a Koran-based life can be reconciled.
"The German foreign minister, who has to dedicate more and more of his time to the Middle East, expressed his concerns in strong words. There is a threat, he says, of 'a division of society,' code for continuing revolution and probable violence. The president of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, threatened an end of economic and political cooperation -- as if Brussels had another Egypt on reserve.
"Indeed, Europeans must be extremely cautious with unsolicited advice. The material hardships that fuelled the uprising against Mubarak are still there. Lack of work, frustration and the bluntness of the regime are all strong forces for lasting unrest."
The left-wing Die Tageszeitung writes:
"The mass protests against the most recent actions of President Mohammed Morsi are fuelled by frustration and fear among non-Islamists. … The fronts appear to be unalterable: Islamist political circles here, secular reformers and members of religious minorities there.
"Morsi, who wants to be the president of all Egyptians, feels unjustly attacked. The old regime was trying, with the aid of Mubarak-era judges, to stop the revolution, whose free elections pitted disadvantaged groups against the ultimate winners. And Morsi has retreated to the old conspiracy theory that foreign powers are behind the protests.
"This doesn't amount to a counter-revolution. Rather Egyptians are expressing their deep mistrust of the authorities, who never treated them as responsible citizens. In return, the president has neglected to put the people at ease, to tell them that the new constitution protects new freedoms that did not exist before, and that his absolute power would only last until the ratification of the constitution, which will be voted on on December 15. A bit more skillfulness on his part and Egyptians would surely have let these two weeks go by without protest."
The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:
"Judges are obliged to be independent. Risking one's life is not part of the job description. Thus it is understandable that Egypt's constitutional court judges withheld a decision on the sharply criticized course of action taken by President Mohammed Morsi while an angry mob roared. Morsi's thugs, who had gathered in front of the Cairo court, had threatened to set the building on fire. The president's Muslim Brotherhood could hardly show less respect for the judiciary.
"After the democratic victory of Egypt's Islamist president, the international community greeted him with openness. Now the Muslim Brotherhood is arrogating the right to greet the judges, disliked by Morsi, with the methods of the street, all the while praising it as democratic volition.
"It's true: A likely majority stands behind the 'constitutional decree' of the president; and the Mubarak-era judges have no doubt pursued a policy of obstruction. But all of that cannot justify tearing down the institutional pillars of the state and legitimizing it with a referendum as 'democratic.'"
"The old institutions will not give up their resistance any time soon. In the foreground now lie the two other scenarios: The Muslim Brotherhood not touching the old regime, but rather occupying it with its own followers, or allowing a controlled opening to take place. Morsi claims to be following the latter. But the evidence suggests the first scenario is more likely."
==============================================
Egypt's Grand Imam launches constitution
consensus-building initiative
consensus-building initiative
In
an attempt to 'bridge the divide' between Egypt's opposition, judiciary
and President Mohamed Morsi, Al-Azhar Grand Imam Ahmed El-Tayeb
launches initiative
Ahram Online, Monday 3 Dec 2012
El-Tayeb announced that this was done as an effort to "bridge the divide," over the new constitutional draft.
He further added that additional members will be invited to the initiative in an attempt to reach a consensus in the near future.
President Mohamed Morsi called for a national referendum on the draft on 15 December, 2012.
Catitan Sut:
Dalam ramai antara kita meraikan demokrasi serta nilai-nilainya sebagai suatu utopia, kita juga harus sedar akan batas-batasan demokrasi. Seorang sahabat saya yang aktif dalam politik pernah mengungkap " medan demokrasi ini umpama berjual di pasar terbuka". Yakni kita bersaing untuk mendapat perhatian pembeli, maka persembahan penting. Barangan yang dipamirkan hendaklah bersesuaian dengan kehendak pembeli, bukannya yang sesuai dengan inspirasi kita. Walaupun kita milik product yang baik dan bernilai, sekiranya ianya tidak sesuai dengan selera pembeli yang kebanyakannya orang-orang biasa sahaja, maka kita tidak akan mendapat pembeli. Mahu tidak mahu kita terpaksa compromise bahkan melentur mengikut kehendak orang ramai (asalkan jangan patah dari pokok perjuangan yanga asal).
Apa yang berlaku di Masir perlu di perhatikan dengan rapi. Keadaan masyarakat yang umpama ayam yang lama terkurung dalam reban, tiba-tiba reban itu terangkat. Ada yang terpingga-pingga mengikut yang lain, banyak yang berlari laju walaupun belum tentu arah lariannya. Gegak gempita suara-suara yang berbaur antara suara kejutan, kegembiraan, protes , kehilangan dan lainnya.
Dalam medan demokrasi, selain daripada undian yang ditentukan oleh bilangan yang terbanyak (itupun sekiranya tiada manipulasi), selain itu corak-coraknya kerap ditentukan oleh golongan minoriti. Golongan minoriti yang berkuasa, golongan berpengaruh umpama pemilik media, golongan pendesak dan penunjuk perasaan, pelobi dan tauke-tauke kaya yang mempunyai saham majoriti dalam memilih corak masyarakat. Golongan majoriti adalah golongan pendengar, penonton dan pembuat tidak kisah.
Penunjuk perasaan di Masir diterajui oleh beberapa tokoh yang kalah dalm pilihanraya presiden. Kita semua tahu yang duta Amerika di Masir telah membuat 'lawatan kunjung' kepada pejabat Parti al-Wafd. Kita semua baca bagaimana media Amerika dan media utama barat memberi perhatian kepada penunjuk perasaan sekarang ini yang memenuhi Medan Tahrir. Kita juga membaca rancangan tunjuk perasaan di Tunisia untuk menunjukkan penentangan kepada pimpinan Rashid Ghanousi.
Kita tahu yang Presiden Mursi menang dalam pilihanraya pertama yang bebas . Tetapi beliau hanya menang pilihanraya, kerajaan itu bukan sekadar parlimen. Struktur-struktur kerajaan dalam bidang lainnya, bahkan stuktur media juga masih merupakan lanjutan struktur di zaman Mubarak, sehingga kini masih diisi oleh mereka yang dilantik di zaman Mubarak.. Seakan Presiden Mursi terpaksa bertinju dengan sebelah tangan, sementara sebelah tangan lagi serta kedua kakinya masih terikat..
Itulah di antara risiko dan cabaran penglibatan dalam kancah politik demokrasi. Hampir semua langkah drastik, walaupun sebaik manapun terpaksa tunduk kepada idealisma amalan demokrasi , terutama bagi tokoh atau langkah yang dicurigai oleh barat. Seakan kita perlu mempunyai kemahiran permainan carom, sekiranya mahu masuk lubang di kiri, kita hadapkan pukulan ke kanan, bola yang di sisi kanan kemudiannya akan menolak bola yang akan masuk lubang kiri.
Berap ramaikah pemimpin ummah yang mempunyai kemahiran carom ini? Atau sekiranya kita tidak menguasai kemahiran permainan carom, adakah wajar kita tidak terlalu menumpukan kepada aktiviti yang memerlukan kemahiran seumpama itu?.
Semoga Syaikh al-Azhar dapat berperanan sebaik-baiknya dalam mendinginkan sedikit suasana panas di Masir. Di tempat kita ini, adakah kita masih miliki peribadi yang mampu berperanan sebagai 'orang tua' yang dihormati dan perkataannya masih mempunyai timbangan?
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